01

　　第一篇：美国总统高校演讲分析-终稿

　　美国总统高校演讲分析

　　--从语境角度看演讲语篇的顺应性

　　刘晓冰1宋书渊2

　　（1河北科技师范学院欧美学院， 河北 秦皇岛066004；2秦皇岛职业技术学院，

　　河北 秦皇岛 066100）

　　摘要: 随着全球化的发展和国际间跨文化交际活动的日益频繁，各国领导人之间的高层访问也越来越多。本文所选择的语料就是三篇美国领导人来访中国时， 在三所中国的知名高校所做的演讲。作者运用Verschueren 在1999年提出的顺应论（Adaptation Theory）对三篇演讲稿进行分析。

　　关键词：语境演讲语篇顺应性

　　在语言学界对演讲语篇的研究从未停止过， 研究的角度也不尽相同， 有的是对演讲语篇的文体进行研究， 有的是对语篇的内容或者功能进行研究， 还有的是进行中英文语篇的对比研究。 无论从哪个角度进行研究， 目的无非是使演讲语篇理解起来更容易更透彻。 基于演讲语篇的一些特点和目前对演讲语篇的研究现状， 本文选择从语境入手， 对演讲语篇中语言使用的顺应性进行研究。 语境是一个受到学术界广泛关注和普遍研究的概念， 许多语言学家都对此做过研究， 如 Malinowski, Firth, Halliday, Verschueren等等。Verschueren 在1999年提出的顺应论（Adaptation Theory）中， 从语用综观的角度对语境的概念进行了阐述， 他认为语言的使用是一种选择， 而且是对语境的一种顺应性的选择， 这一过程是一个持续性的，动态的过程。考虑到理论研究的角度和理论的特点， 本文以语境顺应论为理论基础， 从语言使用的不同层面对演讲语篇进行分析。 Verschureren把语境分为交际语境(communicative context)和语言语境(linguistic context)， 其中交际语境除语言使用者(utterer)外还包括社交世界(social world)，心理世界(mental world)和物理世界(physical world)三个部分。 语境对语言使用的影响贯穿语言使用的整个过程， 使语言使用者对其进行顺应从而作出

　　语言选择。 三位领导人来访时间和演讲地点各不相同， 这使得他们演讲的语境因素也有所差异。【1】

　　从社交世界来讲， 里根是第一个在任期间访华的美国总统， 他的来访是在十九世纪八十年代， 当时中国正处在改革开放初期， 整个社会的经济和文化都刚从之前相对封闭的体制中走出来， 中美两国正式建立外交关系不久， 彼此之间的经贸往来， 文化交流并不多； 克林顿北大演讲处在十九世纪末，改革开放的显著成果使中国社会面貌焕然一新， 经济的高速发展给社会带来了积极的进步； 布什来访正值二十世纪初， 当时中美关系已发展成熟， 两国之间交流也日渐频繁， 而且中国加入了WTO同时又将在2008年举办奥运会， 这一切都表明中国强大了。 三位领导人的心理世界有着一个共同点， 那就是他们的来访都有相同的目的：让中国更多的了解美国同时发展中美关系。 从物理世界来讲， 他们虽然选择演讲的高校不同但是三位领导人选择的都是中国国内的著名学府， 原因有两个： 一是选择高校作演讲气氛缓和且政治色彩不浓； 二是这些著名学府的学生很有可能成为中国未来的领导人。 以上所述主要是对交际语境所作的分析， 这三个交际因素共同作用使得三篇演讲稿的总体结构和内容有些相似之处， 每篇演讲稿大致都可分为四个部分： 引言， 谈论中国， 谈论美国， 谈论中美关系。 这四个部分各形成一个语言语境， 演讲者在对交际语境进行顺应的同时对语言语境也进行顺应， 这些语境因素对语言选择的影响强弱各有不同， 具体还要根据演讲的内容而定。

　　演讲者在上述的特定语境中所做出的语言选择是对语境的一种顺应， 本文从四个方面做了具体分析， 演讲者对第一人称代词的选择， 对时态和语态的选择以及对平行结构的选择。

　　三位领导人在演讲的引言部分都大量地使用人称代词“I(my, me)”来表达自己来访的心情和目的, 在谈论美国时大量地使用了排他性“we(our, us)”而在谈论中国时主要选择了包含性“we(our, us)”， 因为人称代词“I(my, me)”指代总统本人， 排他性“we(our, us)”指代美国人民， 包含性“we(our, us)”指代中美两国人民。 演讲者对第一人称代词的选择主要是对语言语境顺应的结果， 演讲语篇中各个部分的话题不同谈论的内容也不同， 所以形成了不同的语言语境使语言的选择有所侧重。

　　在语言语境相同的情况下三个演讲者对时态的选择也体现着语言使用者对语境的顺应。【2】在谈论中国时克林顿选择了过去时与现在时交替使用， 产生对比效果来说明中国改革开放的显著成效； 而布什则用完成时来说明中国已经取得的成就，在展望中国未来发展时用将来时表达他的信心。 在谈论美国时里根选择过去时与现在时对比介绍美国的现实情况， 而布什用现在时描述美国的现状， 这是因为里根来访时中国人民对美国了解较少， 选用过去时能更有利的证明他所说的是已经发生了的事实，布什选择现在时是因为他认为介绍美国是在陈述一个事实。 这些时态的使用主要是演讲者对交际语境中的社交世界顺应的结果。

　　语态主要分为主动语态和被动语态，在谈论美国时里根和布什都倾向于交替使用主动语态和被动语态来突出每一句话甚至是每一段的重点， 自由、平等及美国人民的价值观和美国的人权成为他们谈论的核心内容。【3】语态的使用可以说是演讲者对现实状况即社交世界的一种顺应性的选择。

　　平行结构的应用是在语篇的组织上体现出来的， 比较有代表性的是：里根的 “must never”， “friendship” 平行结构； 克林顿的 “21st century” 平行结构；布什的 “you can”， “strong” 平行结构等等。 这些平行结构的应用体现了三位领导人来访及演讲的目的： 和中国建立友谊， 更好的发展外交关系， 与中国并肩作战， 反对核武器， 反对核战争， 同时希望中美两国能够共同努力共同发展。对于平行结构的选择是对交际语境中社交世界和心理世界同时顺应的结果。 由于篇幅有限本文只选择了四个方面分析语言使用者的语言选择， 但是从整体上来看这些选择是贯穿整个语篇的。 从另一个角度来说， 语言的使用过程就是一个不断进行选择的动态过程。 从语料的分析可以得出全文的结论， 语境顺应论对于演讲语篇来说也是适用的， 即演讲者使用语言的过程是一个选择的过程， 而且是对语境的一种不间断的动态顺应过程。 这一结论不仅有助于我们对演讲语篇的理解， 而且可以帮助我们更好的撰写和发表演讲稿， 也希望对英语教师在日后有关演讲语篇的教学中有所帮助。本文是语境顺应论在演讲语篇分析中的一次应用性的尝试， 由于所用语料有限， 若要得出一个更广义范围的结论， 还有待于做进一步的研究。

　　【1】. Verschueren. J. 1999. Understanding Pragmatics. London: Edward Arnold.

　　【2】. 任绍曾，1995，英语时态的语篇功能，《外国语》，第三期。

　　【3】.朱永生，2005，《语境动态研究》北京：北京大学出版社。

　　【4】.

　　【5】.

　　 第二篇：美国总统演讲分析

　　美国总统演讲风格分析

　　公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的文体,既不同于日常谈话、即席演说等口语体裁,又不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学体裁。它兼具口语和书面语两种文体的语言特点,同时,又和这两种文体有着明显的差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长,弃口语松散杂乱之短;既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风,又不失口语生动感人之韵,使人听来感到铿锵悦耳,感情充沛,极富感染力和号召力。就语言文体风格方面,从修辞特征、语篇风格等方面对美国总统的演作一些具体的分析。

　　一、修辞特征

　　 政治演说的目的主要在于向听众宣扬政治主张,使他们信服并按演说者的意图采取行动。这样的演说、必需有力，且具有强烈的煽动性。为达此效果演讲者常常借助于修辞手段。

　　排比（Parallelism）：由三项或以上的词语或句子构成，其并列的结构相同或类似，意义相关，语气连贯。排比句结构平衡,音韵和谐,语义紧凑,高潮迭起,极富感召力与鼓动性。排比手法常与反复,层进等修辞手法结合使用以增强表达效果。

　　（1）Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of individuals or a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America.“我们是,我们永远是美利坚合众国”是极度富有感染力的,演讲在这里达一个高潮。（奥巴马）

　　（2）I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he’s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. . .在这一段奥巴马高度赞扬了自己的竞选对手美国共和党总统候选人麦凯恩参议员,而且是极其诚恳和足够力度的评价,不带半点讽刺。（奥巴马）

　　（3）Tonight I ask for your prayers for all those who grieve, for the children whose worlds have been shattered, for all whose sense of safety and security has been threatened.这句话透露出布什总统对遇难者的深深地哀悼，情感真切。（布什）

　　（4）I ask you to share mu prayer that God will search me and know my heart ,try me and know my anxious thought, see if there is any hurtfulness in me ,and lead me toward the life everlasting.这段话情真意切，流露出克林顿总统的悔改之心。（克林顿）

　　从以上例子我们也可以看出, 演讲中排比句的使用成功地加强了语势, 阐明了观点, 层层递进。用来抒情时, 由浅入深地抒发感情, 节奏和谐, 显得感情洋溢;用来说理时, 条理清晰, 鼓动性强. 对比可以使听众更好地理解演讲者的意图, 突出其讲话的重点。演讲中也不时地运用对比手段来进一步阐释演讲者的观点,例如: (1) It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian ,Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. . .这里将年轻人和老人,有钱人和没钱人,民主党的和共和党的,黑人,白人,西班牙裔人,亚裔人,美国本土人,同性恋,异性恋,残疾的和不残疾的进行罗列对比,这在各类公众演讲中都实属罕见。这种对比的使用显示了奥巴马仁慈、博大的心胸以及人人平等的美国基本理念。（奥巴马）

　　(2) It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not- so- young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers. 这里将young people与not so young people进行对比。（奥巴马）

　　暗喻(metaphor)暗喻作为一种非常重要的修辞手段, 是将两种本质不同的事物进行比较, 从而突出其共性的手法。在奥巴马的演讲中也有一些运用,例如: (1) It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference. 这里“声音”用来暗喻“民主”、“民声”。（奥巴马）

　　(2) America was targeted for attack because were the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world. And no one will keep that light from shining.这里“beacon”用来比喻美国，强调美国充满自由、机遇。（布什）

　　二、语篇风格 宗教是西方社会文化的重要组成部分,西方社会继承了古罗马基督教的传统,许多西方人信仰上帝,将《圣经》律条作为精神支柱。因此,不少政治演说家都运用基督教义,借助上帝的力量,使其演讲更具感召力。总统就职演说辞也具有浓郁的宗教色彩。

　　（1） And I pray they will be comforted by a power greater than any of us spoken through the ages in Psalm 23: Even though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I fear no evil for you are with me.运用《圣经》的格言，布什向人民传达一个信念：我与你们一起打击恐怖主义，一起维护国家的安全。（布什） （2） „the father of our nation ordered these words198be read to the people:“Let it be told to the future world„that in the depth of winter ,when nothing but hope and virtue could survive„that the city and the country，alarmed at one common danger ,came forth to meet(it).”我们的国父们这样说：“我们要让未来的世界知道„在深冬的严寒里，唯有希望和勇气才能让我们存活下去„面对共同的危险时，我们的城市和国家要敢于上前去面对。”（奥巴马） （3） “Now is the time for turning. The leaves beginning to turn green to red to orange. The birds „ But unless we turn, we will be trapped forever in yesterday’s ways. Lord help us to turn ,from callousness to sensitivity, from hostility„”这段话引用《圣经》，克林顿用它为自己的行为从宗教上进行辩护，自己可以摆脱“旧习俗”,请求别人的原谅。（克林顿）

　　以上可以看出，美国总统的演说从形式到内容都具有浓郁的宗教色彩。这些祷词、《圣经》引语、及宗教说教等,有助于使演讲得到听众的同情与支持,具有强烈的感召力。

　　在美国总统演说中有大量气势恢宏的排比句,也不缺乏掷地有声的单句与短语或单词,更不缺乏感染力极强的暗喻、对比等修辞手法的使用。美国总统将这些元素巧妙地搭配在一起就构成一篇篇激情磅礴的演讲

　　 第三篇：美国总统演讲稿

　　美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿

　　President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:

　　This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.

　　This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

　　So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

　　In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

　　And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

　　Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankinds goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

　　True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

　　Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

　　Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

　　Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

　　Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

　　Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

　　Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

　　Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.

　　We must act. We must act quickly.

　　And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other peoples money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

　　These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.

　　Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

　　The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

　　In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

　　With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

　　Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

　　It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

　　I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

　　But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

　　For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.

　　We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

　　We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

　　In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.

　　May He protect each and every one of us.

　　May He guide me in the days to come.

　　美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（中文版）

　　胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：

　　今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。

　　我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

　　更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。

　　但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。

　　是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。

　　如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。

　　幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。

　　认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

　　但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

　　我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。

　　我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。

　　明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。

　　最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。

　　以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。

　　通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。

　　指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。

　　在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。

　　如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。

　　有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。

　　而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。

　　让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

　　我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

　　在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个。